[III] 사회
8. 앨프리드 킨지/ 남성의 성행위/ 1948
앨프리드 찰스 킨지(Alfred Charles Kinsey, 1894년 6월 23일 ~ 1956년 8월 25일)는 미국의 동물학자이다. 보든 대학교를 졸업하고 인디애나 대학교 동물학 교수를 지냈다. 동 대학 및 록펠러 재단의 지원으로 인간의 성적 행동을 연구하였으며, 동성애에 관한 연구결과를 담은 킨제이 보고서의 저자로 유명하다.
Alfred Charles Kinsey (June 23, 1894 – August 25, 1956) was an American biologist, professor of entomology and zoology, and sexologist who in 1947 founded the Institute for Sex Research at Indiana University,[1] now known as the Kinsey Institute for Research in Sex, Gender, and Reproduction. He is best known for writing Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (1948) and Sexual Behavior in the Human Female (1953), also known as the Kinsey Reports, as well as the Kinsey scale. Kinsey's research on human sexuality, foundational to the field of sexology, provoked controversy in the 1940s and 1950s. His work has influenced social and cultural values in the United States, as well as internationally.
[남성의 성행위(Sexual Behavior in the Human Male)/1948]의 내용 - 1930년대 당시 인디애나대학교 교수로 재직하고 있던 킨제이는, 성에 관한 학문적 연구 결과가 절대적으로 부족하다는 것을 발견하고 록펠러 재단의 후원 하에 이와 관련한 연구를 진행한다. 1948년, 5300명의 남성의 표본조사 결과를 바탕으로 한 첫 번째 보고서인 《남성의 성생활》이 출간되었다. 워델 포메로이, 클라이드 마틴과의 공저로 발표된 이 책에서, 킨제이는 조사 대상 중 4%의 남성이 평생을 동성애자로 일관했으며, 37%의 남성이 쾌락을 동반한 동성애 경험을 최소 1회 이상 가진 것으로 나타났다고 발표해 극소수 남성들만의 전유물로 여겨지던 동성애에 대한 미국인들의 편견을 깨는 데 일조했다. 또, 각 사회적 계층마다 67퍼센트에서 98퍼센트의 남성들이 결혼 전 성관계를 맺은 적이 있고, 50퍼센트의 유부남들이 혼외정사를 경험 한 적이 있으며, 92퍼센트의 남성들이 자위행위를 한다는 것을 인정했다. 모두가 궁금했지만, 아무도 묻지 못했던 오랜 비밀. '킨제이 보고서'를 통해 유쾌하고 지적이고 적나라하게 밝혀진다.
[Editorial Reviews From The New England Journal of Medicine]
Reviewed by John Gagnon, Ph.D.
These three reprinted books contain most of the published statistical data taken from the original interview schedules used by Alfred Kinsey and his colleagues from 1938 to 1963 to gather sexual histories. Except for two topically focused books published by other authors after Kinsey's death, the ideas and data in these books represent the bulk of Kinsey's intellectual and empirical contribution to sex research. It is appropriate that they be reprinted in 1998, the 50th anniversary of the original publication of Sexual Behavior in the Human Male. It was with this first book that knowledge about sexuality garnered from a scientific survey burst into the consciousness of the American public. This book and its companion, Sexual Behavior in the Human Female, published in 1953, introduced a new way of thinking and talking about sexuality to American (and world) culture.
The practice of sexuality was quite varied in the United States before the publication of these books, but it was largely unrecorded, at least by scientists. Before the late 1940s, the sexual lives of most people were shaped by personal experiments, isolated sexual encounters, uninformed gossip, media sensation, and moral condemnation (not necessarily in that order). The national myth was that most people were obedient to a traditional set of sexual rules and those who were not were relatively rare and defective in morals or willpower.
It was against this background of repression and prurience that Kinsey asserted the right of science to speak about sexual behavior. As a scientist, Kinsey spoke and wrote plainly, using language about sexuality that was rarely heard or read at the time. The facts reported in the book on men's sexual behavior were at fundamental variance with the myths. Kinsey reported that the practice of masturbation was nearly universal among men (90 percent did it), that homosexual relations were widely experienced (37 percent had done it once), that premarital sexual relations were common (most college men did it), that half of married men had had extramarital sexual relations, and that oral sex was routine in deed if not in public discourse (70 percent of educated husbands said they and their wives had done it).
But it was not only these facts that evoked a powerful negative response from traditional figures in churches, legislatures, and the press. The book also had a strong reformist tone, with Kinsey arguing, completely in the American grain, that progress in dealing with sexual problems could only be made by objectively uncovering the facts of sexual life. That the reported sexual practices of American men differed from moral expectations was (in Kinsey's interpretation) evidence of the power of sexuality and not a mark of moral decay. The problems associated with sexuality were a consequence of social repression, not inherent to sexuality itself.
The controversy engendered by this first book caused Kinsey's second book, Sexual Behavior in the Human Female, to be eagerly anticipated by his critics, his defenders, the media, and the public. Its publication in 1953 was met with an equal if not greater storm than the publication of the book on men. Kinsey's evidence suggested that women were less behaviorally active than men in all aspects of sexual life but that they were still more sexual than traditional views allowed. However, the focus of the media on the statistical findings about sexual practices among women (what we now treat as "factoids") made the second book appear entirely similar to the first (by this time both books had become fused in the public mind and in the media as the "Kinsey Reports").
Contrary to this view, it is evident from a careful reading of the book on women that Kinsey had moved from his thinking in the book on men to a more nuanced view of sexuality. The book on men is severely masculinist in its perspective, using men's sexual lives as the primary model for what is considered to be sexually normal. The sexuality of the human male was characterized by novelty in practices, variety in partners, a quick and urgent response to sexual stimuli, and a search for orgasm as the primary source of sexual pleasure. Sexual Behavior in the Human Female, based on approximately 6000 interviews, is a retreat, at least in part, from all of these assumptions. Two important changes in Kinsey's thinking are apparent: women and men are more alike in the biology of their sexuality than he had previously thought, and women's sexuality and, on suitable reflection, men's sexuality seemed shaped, not merely repressed, by social and cultural forces. Increasingly, it was clear that the two books were works of social science, not biology.
The negative reaction to Kinsey and his works in the 1950s frightened off providers of funding and researchers in the field of sex research. As a consequence, the Kinsey studies were used as flawed report cards on sexual life in the United States well into the era of AIDS. The studies were particularly deficient in their sampling methods, and it was obvious to researchers at the time that they did not accurately measure the sexual life of American women and men. As science, they were important first steps but incomplete in scope and method. The findings were limited to white, better educated, less religious, and largely youthful women and men from the northeastern United States who volunteered to be interviewed about their sexual lives. We now know that the effect of volunteer respondents was to inflate the reported levels of some aspects of sexual behavior. The interview schedule and the interviewing were of high quality, but they could not correct for biases in sampling.
A proper historical understanding of Kinsey's purposes should focus on his explicit desire to understand sexuality by using objective tools of science and on his scarcely concealed desire to reform what he saw as the repressive character of sexual life in the United States during the period before the Second World War. This goal of sexual reform was scarcely unique to Kinsey -- only his scientific methods and the connection he made between science and sexual reform were special. The findings from Kinsey's work and the attitudes the work expressed quickly filtered into reformist groups that strove to change laws about sexual behavior, to free public speech about sexuality, to advance family planning through birth control, to promote sex education, and to reduce what they saw as hypocrisy about sexuality in American culture.
The association of Kinsey with sexual reform has recently made him the target, both as a scientist and a man, of attacks by conservative groups. John Bancroft, the current director of the institute that Kinsey founded, has written a spirited and important defense of Kinsey in the introduction to the reprinted edition of Sexual Behavior in the Human Female.
The third reprinted book is quite different from the other two, but it emphasizes the continuing utility to historians of the entire collection of Kinsey's interviews. This book presents the marginal tabulations of all of the interviews gathered by Kinsey and his colleagues (including those conducted after Kinsey's death in 1956) and makes them more useful by excluding certain groups that surely skewed the findings of the original report on men. Funding from the National Institute of Mental Health in the early 1960s presented an opportunity for all the 17,500 original interviews to be placed on computer tape. Of these interviews, 14,000 are treated as a "basic" sample of persons who were noncriminal; those of persons with criminal histories are treated separately. In addition, a separate sample of persons with extensive homosexual histories was selected from both the criminal and basic samples.
Kinsey and his works are now part of the story of the "American Century." Sensitive use of the archived interviews by historians as well as Kinsey's own life and views may offer us further insight into the sexual aspects of that story and the ways in which our sexual past has shaped our sexual present.
Herz Inzlicht 02 matechoice smell.pdf
Pfaus-Kippin-Centeno(2001).pdf
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